Only a small fraction of the world’s land area—about one-tenth—may be considered arable, if arable land is defined as land planted to crops. Less than one-fourth of the world’s land area is in permanent meadows and pastures. The remainder is either in forests or is not being used for agricultural purposes.
There are great differences in the amount of arable land per person in the various regions of the world. The greatest amount of arable land per capita is in Oceania; the least is in China. No direct relationship exists between the amount of arable land per capita and the level of income; Europe has almost as little arable land per capita as Asia and less than Africa; Japan and The Netherlands have very limited amounts of arable land per capita.
The relationship between land, population, and farm production is a complex one. In traditional agriculture, where methods of production have changed little over a long period of time, production is largely determined by the quality and quantity of land available and the number of people working on the land. Until the early years of the 20th century, most of the world’s increase in crop production came either from an increase in land under cultivation or from an increase in the amount of labour used per unit of land. This generally involved a shift to crops that would yield more per unit of land and required more labour for their cultivation. Wheat, rye, and millet require less labour per unit of land and per unit of food output than do rice, potatoes, or corn (maize), but generally the latter yield more food per unit of land. Thus, as population density increased, the latter groups of crops tended to be substituted for the former. This did not hold true in Europe, where wheat, rye, and millet expanded at the expense of pasture land; but these crops yielded more food per acre than did the livestock that they displaced.
As agriculture becomes modernized, its dependence upon land as well as upon human labour decreases. Animal power and machinery are substituted for human labour; mechanical power then replaces animal power. The substitution of mechanical power for animal power also reduces the need for land. The increased use of fertilizer as modernization occurs also acts as a substitute for both land and labour; the same is true of herbicides and insecticides. By making it possible to produce more per unit of land and per hour of work, less land and labour are required for a given amount of output.
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Agricultural economics and the labour force: As economic development proceeds, a large proportion of the farm labour force must shift from agriculture into other pursuits. This fundamental shift in the labour force is made possible, of course, by an enormous increase in output per worker as agriculture becomes modernized. This increase in output stems from various factors. Where land is plentiful the output per worker is likely to be higher because it is possible to employ more fertilizer and machinery per worker.
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Peasant agriculture: One characteristic of undeveloped peasant agriculture is its self-sufficiency. Farm families in those circumstances consume a substantial part of what they produce. While some of their output may be sold in the market, their total production is generally not much larger than what is needed for the maintenance of the family. Not only is productivity per worker low under these conditions but yields per unit of land are also low. Even where the land was originally fertile, the fertility is likely to have been depleted by decades of continuous cropping. The available manures are not sufficient, and the farmers cannot afford to purchase them elsewhere.
Peasant agriculture is often said to be characterized by inertia. The peasant farmer is likely to be illiterate, suspicious of outsiders, and reluctant to try new methods; food patterns remain unchanged for decades or even centuries. Evidence, however, suggests that the apparent inertia may be simply the result of a lack of alternatives. If there is nothing better to changeto, there is little point in changing. Moreover, the self-sufficient farmer is bound to want to minimize his risks; since a crop failure can mean starvation in many parts of the world, farmers have been reluctant to adopt new methods if doing so would expose them to greater risks of failure.
The increased use worldwide of high-yielding varieties of rice andwheat since the 1960s has shown that farmers are willing and able to adopt new crops and farming methods when their superiority is demonstrated. These high-yielding varieties, however, require increased outlays for fertilizer, as well as expanded facilities for storage and distribution, and many developing countries are unable to afford such expenditures.
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Acacian Schism (484–519), in Christian history, is the split between the patriarchate of Constantinople and the Roman See, caused by an edict by Byzantine patriarch Acacius that was deemed in-admissible by Pope Felix III.
With the support of the Byzantine emperor Zeno, Acacius in 482 drew up an edict, the Henotikon (Greek: “Edict of Union”), by which he attempted to secure unity between orthodox Christians and monophysites. The Henotikon’s theological formula incorporated the decisions of thegeneral Councils of Nicaea (325) and Constantinople (381) and recognized Christ’s divinity, but it omitted any reference to the orthodox distinction of Christ’s human and divine essences, as enunciated by the Council of Chalcedon (451), and in so doing made important concessions to the monophysites. The Henotikon was widely accepted in the East but proved unacceptable to Rome and the Western church. Consequently, Acacius was deposed (484) by Pope Felix III in an excommunication that was reaffirmed and broadened in 485 to embrace all of Acacius’ accomplices, including a substantial part of the Byzantine hierarchy. The condemnation by Pope Felix precipitated the Acacian Schism, which was not resolved until 519.
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